Tomorrow is the inaugural meeting of the Local Campaign Forum for the Labour Party in Brighton and Hove.
This is where we will move forward the campaign for a socialist Council for Brighton and Hove, and continue the debate about what we want from Labour in local government.
I won't say anything more about this right now.
Because we have a recent bad experience of (what was at the best) an incredibly ill-judged post on a personal blog doing avoidable harm to our Party.
So we'll wait for tomorrow.
This is my personal blog. I was Branch Secretary of Lambeth UNISON from 1992 to 2017 and a member of the National Executive Council (NEC) of UNISON, the public service union (www.unison.org.uk) from 2003 to 2017. I am now a retired member of UNISON. I am Chair of Brighton Pavilion Constituency Labour Party and a member of the Labour Representation Committee (LRC). Neither the Labour Party nor UNISON is responsible for the contents of this personal blog.
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Saturday, November 25, 2017
Saturday, November 04, 2017
What do we want from Labour Councillors?
A few weeks ago I blogged
about the dilemma which faces socialists in the Labour Party (now that it has a
socialist Leader) in relation to Labour Councillors and what it is we want from
them.
I have, since then, held off
blogging a fair bit because (as the Chair of a CLP in Brighton and Hove) I
haven’t wanted to express (in public) my opinions (even personal opinions)
about the conduct of a “leading” local politician.
And I still won’t reward
that sort of attention seeking behaviour with comment here.
However, I do think that
socialists need to be thinking much more about what we should be doing with
local government, as we have not for a generation.
In my last comment on this
topic I observed the following;
“In Poplar in the 1920s, Clay Cross in the 1970s and
in Lambeth and Liverpool in the 1980s Labour Councillors were forced to make
the choice between “breaking the law” and “breaking the poor” – and in each
case a brave minority made the right choice and were defeated and subsequently
denigrated.
Last year’s Party Conference sadly agreed a Rule
Amendment which sought to lock Labour Councillors into perpetual support for
austerity where this is dictated by Central Government (a decision which must
inevitably be reversed as soon as possible) – but the decision of whether or
not to support a “lawful budget” if that means savage cuts to local jobs and
services is one which is unfortunately worlds away from our current concerns.
What has happened since the defeat of “municipal
socialism” in the 1980s is that Labour Councillors have learned that their
mission in life is to mitigate the damage being done to local services by
Central Government (or, when they can, to come up with some imaginative jargon
to make such damage limitation look both imaginative and progressive).
Of course, this has made local government unappealing
to those whose purpose in engaging in political activity is to change the
world. It has also forced Labour Groups to become embattled minorities,
circling their own wagons against enemies on the left as well as the right.”
I think that if we are going
to work out what we want from Labour Councillors as we draw to the end of the
second decade of the twenty first century we need to reflect a little more on
what has happened over the past generation.
The last time that anything
really significant (from a socialist point of view) happened in local
government in the UK was the 1980s, when the Livingstone-led Greater London
Council (in particular – but alongside the Metropolitan County Councils and
some London Boroughs) tested the boundaries of what progressive Councillors
could do with their positions.
Those (and they are many)
who would decry the experience of the so-called “loony left” Councils of the
mid and late 80s need to be reminded that these were the pioneers of equal opportunities,
who stood for anti-racism, and flew rainbow flags for Pride, when such
expressions of opinion were not only not mainstream but were marginalised and
ridiculed. As important as the equality commitments of left-led Labour Councils
of that period were the attempts to broaden the concerns of local government,
whether that was through the London Industrial Strategy, the Nuclear Free Zone
movement, or progressive town twinning.
I am personally proud to
have worked for Lambeth Council for many years precisely because Lambeth was
one of the centres of the (mostly) defeated municipal socialism of my
(relative) youth. We cannot go back in time to the 1980s (and should not try,
not even for the far better music). We can, however, try to recapture some of
the spirit which informed local politicians then and to apply it to our
contemporary concerns.
If we can hope to do this we
need to understand the harm has been done to local democracy in the decades
since the defeat of 80s municipal socialism. This harm has been done in the
relationship between central and local Government, in the structure of local
government and within the Labour Party itself.
The defeat of the struggle
against ratecapping in the mid-80s was a defining moment in the domination of
local government by the central state, ushering in a period in which central
government has controlled the spending of local authorities whilst
simultaneously instructing them as to how they should spend what little they
have.
When New Labour inherited the
country from a discredited and worn-out post-Thatcher Tory Party in 1997 the
idea of autonomous activity from the local level was anathema to both its
Blairite and Brownite wings. New Labour encouraged the “Cabinet” or “Executive”
system of governance (where it could not drive through the even less democratic
model of an elected Mayor).
New Labour needed “Cabinets”
because it could not rely upon the majority of (then) Labour Councillors to do
as they were told. The Cabinet system has demoted the role of most backbench
Labour Councillors and created a small cadre of full and part time Councillors
who appear to exercise power (by doing what they are told by Council officers).
They are paid allowances which generally exceed the expenses Councillors used
to receive (and which provide a material basis for an interest in collective
discipline for each individual within the “leadership” of a local authority).
Over the same period the Association of Labour
Councillors has been created as a body to which all Labour Councillors must
belong, creating both a mechanism whereby the central Labour Party could
discipline recalcitrant individuals if their local Group would not and also a
vehicle for Labour Councillors to be an affiliated organisation and claim
representation on the National Executive Council which representation is
neither use nor ornament from the point of view of socialist struggle.
Since 2010 a pitiably small
number of Labour Councillors have stood firm against cuts in jobs and services
(which conduct, in the case of those who are part of a Labour administration
would now of course get them disciplined by the Party in any case). Councillors
Against the Cuts were isolated and defeated (with the local government trade
unions playing a disgraceful role in ensuring their defeat).
It is deeply ironic that,
now that Labour Councillors face none of the risks and threats which Ted Knight
and the surcharged Lambeth Councillors faced in the 80s they are generally both
much less likely to stand up to Central Government – and also much more taken
with the idea that they are really important people who make dramatic
sacrifices to our movement and therefore deserve disproportionate respect. We
want many more Labour Councillors but (with some noble exceptions) we certainly
do not want more of the same.
But what do we want?
These are just personal
opinions about the basic principles of what we want, and only the beginnings
thereof, but here they are;
1) Labour Councillors are shop stewards for their local
communities first of all;
2) Labour administrations are representatives of the
local working class first of all;
3) Labour Councillors are an integral part of local
Labour Parties, to whom they are – and must be - accountable on a day to day
basis;
4) Labour Councillors are not separate from other Party
members, who should support Councillors in their work as representatives of
their ward constituents;
5) Labour administrations should use such power and
influence as they have to do what they can to prefigure what we want a Labour
Government to do;
6) If compromises have to be made these should be
acknowledged for what they are and agreed in advance by the local Party.
I intend to develop these ideas further - and would welcome comments.