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I was pleased to see Lloyd Russell-Moyle chairing
a meeting of left-wing Labour Members of Parliament who are opposed to Brexit
the other day. Leaving the European Union (EU) on any terms in the current
circumstances will be a setback for the interests of working class people in
the United Kingdom, and it is the job of socialists to defend and promote the
interests of our class. It follows that socialists oppose Brexit.
I understand the need for the Labour Party leadership to “reach
out” to some of those who sadly voted “Leave” in the 2016 referendum if we are
to win a General Election – and appreciate that there are enough Labour
Parliamentarians who would reject being whipped into blocking Brexit to mean
that demands that the leadership try do just that (from a position in
Opposition) are, at best, otiose.
However, socialists holding positions in the Labour Party –
particularly those who are elected representatives representing areas which
predominantly supported remaining in the EU – have an obligation to give voice
to the views of the majority of class-conscious workers who oppose Brexit.
It is also important to contest the implausible claim of
attention seeking careerists on the right of the Party to be the voice of
internationalism and opposition to Brexit within Labour. These are the heirs of
the bankrupt political tradition
which contributed to the crisis which led to the “Leave” vote. If some of them
leave the Labour Party I only hope they shut the door on the way out, as it still
gets chilly at night even if it is unseasonably warm during the day.
The most appropriate resolution of the current political
crisis, in which the Government cannot command a stable and reliable majority
in Parliament on the defining issue of the moment, and therefore is not really
in a position to govern, is for there to be a General Election.
In circumstances in which there does not appear presently to
be an achievable Parliamentary majority for any particular form of Brexit (nor
for another referendum as advocated by the “People’s Vote” campaign) it may
well be that, probably following a delay in the implementation of the departure
date of 29 March justified for some other reason, there will be a General
Election.
Labour’s manifesto in that General Election will be written
in accordance with the Party’s Rules – but if it is to reflect the interests of
working class people in this country it will need to leave open the possibility
of reversing Brexit, perhaps by calling for a referendum between the “soft” “Norway
plus” Brexit option (which might command a Parliamentary majority) and remaining
in the EU.
Of course, the most important aspects of our manifesto for
such an election would not be those which were about Brexit, they would be
those which sought to reverse austerity, build homes, repair our health
service, nationalise our railways and unshackle our trade unions.
Socialists would also want to see a Labour manifesto which called
for an end to racist immigration controls – which would mean that far from restricting
the freedom of movement currently permitted to citizens of the EU we would
extend freedom of movement into our country to all human beings.
We might or might not win that argument through the Party’s
process for writing a manifesto – just as we may not feel that the manifesto
goes far enough in restoring trade union rights (for example) – but we would
have that argument.
The Labour Party has never (yet) been a socialist Party, it
has always – as
Tony Benn had it – been “a Party with socialists in it” (just as there have
always been some Christians in the Church).
A socialist Leader does not make Labour a socialist Party –
that is still a work in progress (note that is without a capital “P”) - and the
comrades who are supporting our socialist Leader whilst opposing the reactionary
nonsense of Brexit are very much part of that work.
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